Dr. Shahriar M. Shams
In July 2024, a peaceful student movement in Bangladesh, which had aimed at inducing the government to reform the quota system in government jobs, metamorphosed into unprecedented violent clashes. Numerous citizens lost their lives as a result of the clash, with most of the fatalities occurring among the students and other protesters, and a few among law enforcement personnel and pro-government political activists. The violence was accompanied by sporadic calls for the downfall of the government, extensive attacks on public infrastructure, severe disruptions in internal communications, an Internet shutdown and resultant dysfunction of day-to-day economic and social life, the imposition of curfews, and the deployment of the Bangladesh Army and the Bangladesh Border Guard (BGB) alongside the Bangladesh Police and Bangladesh Ansar,
The context of the movement had been very simple. Since the independence of Bangladesh, an asymmetric quota system existed in Bangladesh’s government jobs, reserving 56% of first-class and second-class government jobs for the freedom fighters and their descendants, women, people from backward districts, ethnic minorities, and specially-abled persons. Over the years, the system had generated serious dissatisfaction among the general students, as only 44% of the aforementioned government jobs were allotted on the basis of merit. The system was further skewed in favour of quota-holders in other government jobs. In 2018, following a large-scale student movement for the reform of the quota system, the government had abolished the quota system in the first-class government jobs. In June 2024, the High Court declared the 2018 government decision to be illegal, and reinstated the quota system. This sparked the current round of quota reform movement.
Initially, the movement was peaceful in nature, as the students of public and private universities organized peaceful protests and blockades, while the law enforcement agencies exercised considerable restraint in dealing with the protesters. However, on 14–15 July, the clashes turned violent, and led to considerable loss of life. During this period, anti-government political elements reportedly infiltrated the movement, attempted to transform the quota reform movement into a sort of ‘colour revolution,’ and caused mayhem across the country. On 21 July, the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court overhauled the quota system, allocating 7% of all government jobs to the descendants of freedom fighters, ethnic minorities, and specially-abled people.
This movement has made the state confront with an unprecedented crisis in decades. The state and the citizens should draw a number of lessons from this tragic event.
First,the destruction of public property during the movement has serious negative consequences for our public life. Accordingly, the citizens should understand that they are collectively responsible for the preservation of the state’s infrastructure, and destroying public property should not be a way of protesting against injustices. On its part, the state should enhance the protection of public infrastructure, such as the bridges and the railways.
Second, the life of every human being is invaluable, and every loss of life is a tragedy. Hence, the state should come forward to sympathize with the families of all the deceased, and provide them with financial and other compensations.
Third, at the initial stages of the movement, the state and the law enforcement agencies demonstrated commendable restraint towards the protesters. But as the movement turned violent, law enforcement agencies had to resort to the use of force. While this may be necessary from the point of view of maintaining law and order, the state is likely to face considerable internal and international political backlash in the near future owing to the loss of life during the movement. Accordingly, the state should undertake necessary measures enhance the capabilities of law enforcement agencies in dealing with such protests in a manner such that the loss of life is minimized. This would require the formation of specialized riot control units, specialized training on riot control for the law enforcement personnel, the acquisition of sophisticated riot control equipment, and the enhancement of intelligence and surveillance capabilities of the law enforcement agencies for such contingencies.
Fourth, during the violent stage of the protests, the law enforcement agencies were overwhelmed, and the state had to deploy the army to take the situation under control. It was a hard, yet necessary, decision because it is the duty of any state to prevent the spread of anarchy within its territory. However, the state has to understand that it is prudent to control such situations through the use of internal security forces. The number of law enforcement personnel in Bangladesh is very low in comparison with its large population. Accordingly, it is necessary to expand, modernize and rationalize the law enforcement agencies of Bangladesh.
Fifth, the spread of disinformation via social media during the protests had a highly negative impact on the perceptions of the citizens of the situation. Under these circumstances, the shutdown of Internet had been a prudent step, but its consequences have to be taken into account. It has resulted in near-paralysis of the economic and social life of the citizens. Hence, the Internet connection should be restored as soon as possible, and the state should take a number of steps, including the formation of an effective counter-disinfromation mechanism, the spread of public awareness about the issue, and the development of a robust cybersecurity infrastructure, to prevent the repetition of the scenario.
Sixth, through the overhaul of the quota system, the state has demonstrated that it takes into account the interests of its citizens, and is willing to reform itself in accordance with the demand of the age and the wishes of the people. On the other hand, the citizens should understand that the reform of a decades-old system and attendant legal process require a certain amount of time, and as responsible citizens of the state, they should demonstrate restraint and pragmatism while demanding their rights.
Last but not the least, opposition elements had reportedly infiltrated the peaceful non-political movement and turned it into an anti-government protest. The use of students for the benefit of politicians must be stopped, and the opposition should return to electoral politics instead of seeking to carry out ‘colour revolutions.’ If the recent international politics is a guide, ‘colour revolutions’ have not brought about any good to the states where it had happened, be it Ukraine, or Sudan, or Libya. Bangladesh should not go down that path, and all political parties have to comprehend this reality.
The tragedy of the previous weeks is likely to haunt the state and its citizens for a long time to come. Hence, both the state and the citizens should draw lessons from these tragic events, and develop a pragmatic, compromise-based, and peace-oriented political culture for a brighter future.
[Author: Dr. Shahriar M. Shams, Ph.D. is a columnist and political analyst, a MEXT Scholar, and currently serving at Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University, Bangladesh]
(অতিথি কলামে লিখিত সকল বক্তব্যের অভিমত এবং চিন্তা দ্বারা একান্ত ভাবে লেখকের নিজস্ব। এতে www.tripuraconnect.in কর্তৃপক্ষের কোন মতামত ও চিন্তাভাবনার প্রভাব নেই)
0 মন্তব্যসমূহ